Machiavelli and the context in which he
wrote The Prince
In the sixteenth century, when Niccolo Machiavelli
wrote The Prince, Italy
was not a unified country. Instead, it
was a collection of city-states, each with its own court and ruler, each
attempting to gain power over the others.
In addition to being a place of domestic intrigue, Italy was also
a battleground for the power-hungry French, the Spanish, the Germans, and the
forces of the Catholic Church under the Popes (who were, in essence, as powerful
as secular kings at this time). One of
the major Italian city-states, the republic
of Florence , had long maintained an
alliance with the French, and when Pope Julius II defeated the French in
1512, Florence was defeated too. Pope Julius declared that he would not agree
make peace unless Florence
ceased to be a republic and accepted the Medici family as their rulers.
These political developments had a serious impact on
the life and career of Machiavelli.
Hardly a dyed-in-the-wool supporter of princes, Machiavelli had actually
served for the past thirteen years as a counselor and diplomat for the former
rulers of Florence ,
the anti-Medici republicans (his first book, The Discourses, presents a theory
of republican government).
When Florence
fell into the hands of his princely enemies, Machiavelli narrowly escaped
execution and found himself exiled instead.
Formerly a man who lived in the center of political power, Machiavelli
was now unemployed and disgraced (not to mention bored!) in the countryside
outside Florence . He began to write a series of letters,
begging the new Medici rulers in Florence
to allow him to return to his beloved city.
He continued this unsuccessful effort for fourteen years, until his
death in 1527.
We must read The Prince, written in 1513, as one of
the first of the documents that Machiavelli wrote in order to ingratiate himself with the new Florentine
prince, Lorenzo de Medici. Is Machiavelli
insincere? Is he a hypocrite? After all, his first book declared that a republic
was the ideal form of government, not a state governed by the authority of a
prince. And yet, we must note that
Machiavelli never says anywhere in The Prince that he likes the notion of
government by princes. He merely states
that if a country is going to be governed by a prince, particularly a new
prince, he has some advice as to how that prince should rule if he wishes to be
great and powerful. In other words,
Machiavelli’s book is absolutely practical and not at
all idealistic. Leaving aside what
government is “best” in an ideal world, The Prince takes for granted the
presence of an authoritarian ruler, and tries to imagine how such a ruler might
achieve success. It is, of course, also
entirely topical as well: Machiavelli
offers Lorenzo an expert handbook that deals with precisely the situation of Florence at the
time. He seems genuinely interested in
using his political experience, as well as his wide reading in history and
philosophy, to help Lorenzo be the best prince he can be. But he also obviously expected some personal
gain from the book as well – Machiavelli
clearly hoped that Lorenzo would find The Prince so helpful that he would
immediately bring its author back to Florence
where he could be a political counselor once again!
Unfortunately, Machiavelli’s cunning plan didn’t
work. Despite the lavish praise for
Medicis and Popes that continues throughout The Prince, Lorenzo did not seem to
like the book very much, and certainly never called Machiavelli back from
exile. Ironically, shortly before
Machiavelli died, Charles V of France
defeated the Pope and removed the Medicis from power. Florence
became a republic once again, and Machiavelli surely expected his long exile to
end at last. There was one slight
problem, however: Machiavelli had
written a short book dedicated to Prince Lorenzo de Medici, advising him on how
best to acquire and maintain power – not a very republican thing to do! And so, that very book that Machiavelli had
hoped would bring him back to Florence
– The Prince – finally kept him away for good.
Summary of the Argument
Machiavelli perhaps wrote The Prince in an attempt to
ingratiate himself with the Medici princes who had recently taken over the
government of his native city, Florence ,
in the early sixteenth century (see the rather overstated flattery in the
prefatory letter to Lorenzo de’Medici).
He intended this book to be a kind of “how-to:” a short, pithy handbook
for princes who have gained power and wish to keep it. Accordingly, it begins by dividing all
governments into two kinds: republics
and “principalities” (those ruled by a “prince,” or single ruler). Machiavelli swiftly dismisses the first kind
of government as being outside the scope of his argument. He then goes on to subdivide the latter kind. Principalities, he writes, are of two
kinds: there are those which have been
ruled by a family for a long time, and those which are newly conquered. It is this last kind, obviously, that
concerns Machiavelli most, and he spends the rest of The Prince sketching ways
in which the “new prince” can acquire and maintain the greatest amount of
power.
Machiavelli first considers “mixed principalities,” or
new territories annexed to older ones.
The new prince of such a state, he writes, should wipe out the family of
his predecessors in the, and should take care not to change the old laws –if
need be, he should live there himself, and learn the customs of his new
subjects, so they won’t consider him a “stranger.” He should also set up colonies of his own
men in the new lands, and should weaken any strong neighbouring enemies so that
he will have no rival conquerors. In all
things, Machiavelli writes (as he does many times in the book), the new prince
should not only keep an eye on present dangers, but on possible future dangers
– a good example of this is the Roman rule of new provinces.
When a new prince takes over a state governed by an
absolute ruler, the process of acquiring power is that much more
difficult. However, once such a kingdom
is conquered, it is much easier to rule, since its subjects are used to
oppression. Darius, for instance, took
over lands from Alexander the Great, and was able to rule them without fear of
revolt, since his new subjects were accustomed to having no voice in government. Republics, by contrast, are very easy for a
new prince to conquer, but almost impossible for him to rule. Once a new prince has gained control over a
former republic, Machiavelli implies that he really has no choice but to
destroy it entirely and rebuild it.
Machiavelli then proceeds to consider relationship
between luck and skill in the gaining and keeping of power. He introduces two key terms: fortuna, which means “luck,” “chance,”
“accident,” or “fortune,” and virtu, which means, literally, “manliness,” and
which can also be defined as “skill,” “cunning,” “power,” “ability,” or
“strength.” Which is more important for
a prince to have on his side?
Machiavelli suggests, over and over, that a prince is better off relying
on virtu than on fortuna. However, one
of the key advantages of virtu is that it enables a prince better to exploit
and master fortuna.. He will say later
that fortuna e una donna (“fortune is a woman”) and must be dominated. Here, though, he stresses the connections
between fortuna and virtu as necessary for successful rule. A prince must be able to seize opportunities
through skill in what Machiavelli calls a “lucky shrewdness.”
What kind of actions should a virtuoso (skillful)
prince take? Well, he avoids using other
princes’ troops or hiring mercenaries to do his dirty work – such a reliance on
outside help makes a prince the helpless victim of fortune . He does not come into power through overt
crime, nor does he allow himself to gain a reputation for cruelty – but he is
able to use crime and cruelty when he needs to, carefully concealing his
guilt. A virtuoso prince will not
alienate the people he governs, but he will not let the need to be loved by
them take precedence over the necessity of being feared by them. In order to maintain his power, a prince must earn the loyalty of his subjects,
and he can best do this by protecting them.
And any prince who shows himself to be strong enough to protect his
subjects must also show himself to be strong enough to be feared by them –
though, of course, never gratuitously cruel to them. Above all, a virtuoso prince must
acknowledge the fact that he does not live in an ideal world. He should therefore “learn not to be good”
when a particular occasion (fortuna again!) renders it more advantageous to be
bad. In subsequent chapters, Machiavelli describes how a prince can break
promises, commit crimes, and generally behave nastily for political
advantage. But he also insists that a
prince should learn to avoid the hatred that would result from exposure of his
bad behaviour. He should instead
cultivate a reputation for “goodness,” even if that reputation is false. In other words, for Machiavelli’s prince,
it’s better to look good than to be good.
According to Machiavelli, a prince learns such virtue
by particular kinds of study: first, and
most importantly, the study of warfare.
He should spend lots of time strategizing, exercising, and preparing
himself for battle. Such training makes a man more likely to achieve
power through conquest, and less likely to succumb to laziness once he achieves
it. In addition, any prince who wishes
to be powerful should also study histories of successful princes, in order to
understand what has worked for men in the past and model his behavior on
them. In a sense, The Prince itself is a
kind of history book, compiling short examples of good (and bad) rulers throughout
history for the edification of its princely readers.
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